使用正确的写作思路书写演讲稿会更加事半功倍。现如今，演讲稿的使用越来越广泛，来参考自己需要的演讲稿吧！以下是小编给大家整理的英语演讲稿汇编（9篇），欢迎参考阅读，希望对大家有一些参考价值。
belief in yourself is the secret of success
from the moment we are born, our destiny had been set. it is the start of our life. as a little child, we go to school and are curious to everything in the world.
when we get older, we tend to understand the function in this world.
we start to think, sometimes wonder about life. next thing we know, we are growing up. the world is changing, and our life is changing everyday.
right now, this particular moment in our life, we think again.
we have we done in our life?
are we successful?
are we rich?
are we happy? and flashbacks starts, the memories took charge of our brain.
we reflect to ourselves, we question ourselves.
why are we not successful?
why are we not rich?
why are we not happy?
then, we need to ask how.
how to be successful?
how to be rich?
how to be happy?
My mother is a very lovely woman . She often plays the computer games athome.
Sometimes she watches TV with me . We always study English together. WhileI am playing the piano, she always sits beside me. My mother is a house wife.Everyday she cleans our house, so my home is clean and beautiful.
My mother is good at cooking . The meal she cooks is very wonderful , so myfather and I like to eat . She always gets up early in the morning , and go tobed late in the evening . We love her very much .
尊敬的各位老师，亲爱的同学们：
大家晚上好！
很高兴今晚年级上安排时间让各学科老师利用11月月考反思的机会对本期以来同学们的英语学习情况进行一个简单的总结。我觉得这样的机会非常宝贵，也非常必要！
因为自从进入高中学习以来，同学们会发现高中英语学习英语与初中有很大的区别，这不仅反应在老师的教学方法及对同学们的要求上，而且大家可以体会到在难度方面较之初中也有很大的提高，再加之我们在有限的时间里要学习很多科目，使得很多同学感觉到在英语学习上有一定的难度。通过几次月考下来，有的同学甚至感觉到有些弥忙。因此，针对这一现状，我想就以下几点谈谈学习英语值得主意的事项目。
1、英语课堂学习应该注重课堂学习效果，课堂里的40分钟非常宝贵且有限，要在这短短的时间内掌握所有的英语知识肯定不易。因此，课堂中要认真听讲，及时消化，否则容易造成听课越听越不懂，形成恶性循环！这里我要特别提醒少数在课堂上表现不容乐观的同学，他们课堂上看似认真，却是身在心不在，学习重在表象，完全不扎实，课堂上总是要在老师的督促与提醒下才能听课，这样不仅仅影响了自己及周边同学的学习，同时也影响了老师的教学进程，从而浪费课堂学习时间，导致学习困难。要知道学英语学习重在平时的努力，学好英语和智商无关，学不好英语的人都是懒惰的人。那种想靠临时突击，临时抱佛脚的做法不可取也不可行。
2、英语学习贵在坚持！就好像跑步运动，英语学习之初大家都从同一个起跑线出发，但随着难度加深与词汇量加大，一些同学慢慢对英语失去新鲜感续而厌烦最后掉队。希望大家都能奋发图强，高中生活也才过去六分之一，因此还存较大提高的余地！对于英语偏科的同学，虽然是历史原因造成的，但并不是不可根治的，想要证明自己真正有实力那就从偏科的英语入手，重点突破！所以，现在欠下了学习债的同学们在课后一定要主动抽时间为自己补习英语。
3、学习习惯是第一生产力。许多同学英语学习好，并不是他（她）比别人聪明，而是学习习惯比较好。良好的学习习惯可以大大提高你的学习效果，我们年级有很多这样的同学，比如：黄健，张叶，练诗林，孙震，邹佳玲，彭圣文，姜艳秋，黄静文，官慧婕，唐建柯等同学，她们学习态度端正，上课认真，书写工整，正因为如此，无论什么考试都能取得很好的成绩，这与她们平时良好的学习习惯是分不开的！因此，良好的学习习惯是成功学习的保障。在此，我向大家提出几点建议，希望大家能坚持做好。
首先，树立必胜的学习“自信心”。人的自信心是一种心理品质，是情感因素之一，它对我们的学习起着重要作用。对于一个有自信的人，他会勇于面对挑战，努力向自己定下的目标进发，追求自我实现，不仅可以带来个人的成功感，在其他方面也能得到全面的发展，使自己更受人欢迎；相反，对一个没有自信的人，他会逃避挑战，不敢面对失败的风险，怀疑自己的能力，使自己失去很多成功的机会。因此，希望大家能够正确地分析自己的处境、建立适度的期望值，正确而理性地对待分数，有句话说的好：永远不要否定自己，因为没有人已百分百地认识自己，人的潜能是无穷的。你自己也一样。给自己一个目标，自己跟自己比，只要今天的自己比昨天的自己有进步，就说明你是成功的。要知道，学习英语是一项艰苦的劳动，没有顽强的意志，坚持不懈的毅力是不能成功的。所以英语学习中要克服畏难心理，锻炼学生坚强的意志。同时，在学习过程中，不断地给自己积极的心理的暗示：如“我能赶上”，“我会获得成功的。”
第二，要做好课前预习。高中英语教材每一个模块的内容都比初中明显增多，词汇量大，课文长，难度大。因此，同学们必须在每节课前做好充分的预习，通过查字典等工具书解决难点。对于自己解决不了的问题，做好标记。上课时，要特殊注重这些难点地方，这样课堂听课做到有的放矢，学习效果好，也就提高了学习效率。
第三，重视阅读理解能力的培养。阅读的目的是提高对语篇整体认识的能力，以及推理判断，归纳总结的能力。坚持长期阅读（每天至少2篇以上）是稳步提高的保证。通过有计划有步骤的课外阅读（如我们所订的报纸），不仅能巩固拓宽教材所学内容，更关键是会使所学知识活起来，激发出浓厚的学英语的兴趣以及扩大知识量的欲望。
第四，养成朗读背诵的习惯。朗读是在课文所提供的`语境中对语音，语调，意群，句型等基础知识的综合练习，同时培养纯正的语音语调和好的用语习惯以及为听力打下坚实的基础。对学过的句型，词组，对话，课文进行朗读和背诵，形成流利的语感，也培养了理解能力，为说，读及英语写作打好基础，这是提高英语水平的根本方法。
第五，建立错误档案本。在学习过程中，已获得的知识和技能对以后新知识，新技能的形成产生一定的影响，最好的办法是消灭错误，获得正确知识和技能。每次练习或考试后，应该把自己做错的具有代表性的题目抄下来，收集汇编，然后把老师对错题讲解后的正确语句熟读牢记，保留错误的答案，用红笔写上正确的答案，眉批上理由分析，这样就形成新的语言习惯。平时和临考前翻看，加深印象，引起注意，大大减少了错误率。既巩固了知识，又提高了应试能力，发挥了最佳的水平。
第六，养成良好的书写习惯。书写规范，字迹工整，卷面整洁的习惯也很重要。高中相当一部分学生的字体书写不好，难以辨认，大小写不分，词距若有若无，标点符号乱用，给老师批改作业和试卷造成极大的麻烦。这在高考阅卷评分中会吃大亏，白白丢分。因此，从高一开始平时要养成书写规范的习惯，对大小写，标点符号和词距等一定要一丝不苟，力求规范化，整齐美观。
第七，养成使用英汉双解词典的习惯。高中学生阅读面扩大，需要补充词汇量。学生应备一本英汉词典，如牛津中，高阶英汉双解词典，在学习中随时查阅。这在很大程度上能解决学生的疑惑，帮助理解词的用法，词汇量也就随之不断扩大。
最后，认真对待老师布置的作业，包括书面的和非书面的作业。作业一定要按时独立完成，不要成为学习上的“寄生虫”。作业是老师检查了解学生知识掌握情况的一个有效途径，要求同学们能如实客观地对待作业。知之为知之，不知为不知，宁愿独立完成归后空几题的作业，也比完全不经过自己大脑思考抄袭来的作业质量高得多。许多同学自觉性差，平时空空散漫，交作业时就抄，很多时间，老师都布置了一定的英语作业，但更多的时候是要求同
学们主动地去找作业做，找事情干。这里要特别强调的是课外英语单词的记忆。众所周知，记忆在英语教学中占有极其重要的地位。从某种程度讲，它是学好英语的要害与前提。因为英语是一门记忆性很强的学科。它有大量的单词、词组、句型、语法等需要记忆。有些同学反应单词老是记不住，问有没有捷径可循，我想方法之一尽量采取情景记忆，把这个单词放在语言环境中记，这样不仅轻易记住，而且还把握了它的用法。因此在这就特别强调对我们报纸单词的记忆是在仔细阅读报纸文章的前提下进行的。因为在文章中或对话中记单词，能达到事半功倍的效果。以记单词为例，方法很多，但是比较科学简洁的方法还是研究单词的结构，分析词义。分析英代的单词构成，可以知道复合词和派生词占相称大比例，尤其是派生词数量极多，派生词均由词根和词缀构成，词根和词缀均有特定的含义，若按词根的方式记忆，势必可以提高效率，少出错误。比如，unsuccessful，知道词根success是“成功”的意思，un是否定前缀，ful是形容词后缀，那么，这个单词的词义“不成功的”就很明确了。当然，背单词是一件相当枯燥且繁琐的事情，并不是所有的单词都在一定的情景，因而单词记忆在很多时候需要进行机械记忆，这是语言学科的特性决定的，这也包括英语学习中的相关知识点的记忆。要掌握就必须要不断的反复，背了就忘，忘了再背，如果不及时复习巩固，当然又会忘。所以提醒大学要分散记忆，反复复习。同学们千万不能纵容自己说：英语好难，我记不住就任由他去。我们必须知道：今天，你花大时间去养成好习惯，明天，你就可以更好。
最后，我想以我在多年的学习过程中信念的座佑铭与大家共勉：背水一战，舍我其谁。
good morning everybody.
angelina jolie and i are delighted to welcome you to the global summit to end sexual violencein conflict.
we began campaigning, as you probably know, two years ago because we believe the time hascome to end the use of rape in war once and for all, and we believe it can be done.
we are convinced this is an issue of international peace and security, that is central toconflict prevention, that it is fundamental to the advancement of women’s rightseverywhere, and above all that it is a moral issue for our generation.
for centuries the rape of women, girls, men and boys has been a feature of conflict andwarfare.
these crimes have been taking place on a vast scale without many people even being aware ofit.
and today the facts are beginning to emerge for all to see, thanks to courageous survivors,ngos, journalists, doctors and activists, many of whom are already here today.
we know how few of these crimes have ever been punished, but because of the impunity, theycontinue today in syria, south sudan and the central african republic, to name just a fewexamples.
what would it say about britain or any other nation if, knowing all this, we chose not to act, wechose to do nothing?
as was said of slavery in the 18th century:
now we know the facts, we cannot turn aside.
and so this week, we are bringing together here governments, experts, civil society, survivorsand members of the public here at the excel centre, in an unprecedented concentration ofeffort and attention on this issue:
today, we are hosting young people from across the world to discuss all the issues and to makerecommendations to the ministers, before the ministers get here.
tomorrow, over 1,000 experts and activists will take part in a multitude of events to addressissues from collecting evidence, to protecting children, to tackling sexual exploitation.
and on thursday, more than 117 countries, 70 ministers, several heads of state, many faithleaders from across the world will gather here.
we want this summit to shatter the culture of impunity for sexual violence, to increasesupport for survivors and to start changing the situation on the ground in the most affectedcountries. there are a whole range of practical actions that we want to achieve:
we will launch an international protocol that sets out how to document and investigatesexual violence, so that those on the ground have the best tools to collect information andevidence to bring perpetrators to justice.
we will ask countries to strengthen their laws so that there are no safe havens for thoseresponsible for warzone sexual violence, we will also urge all countries to train soldiers andpeace-keepers to prevent and respond to sexual violence more effectively.
we want countries to commit new funds for tackling sexual violence in conflict-affectedcountries like somalia and the democratic republic of congo, to do more to protect womenand girls in humanitarian emergencies, and to increase their support for human rightsdefenders who campaign for justice and help for survivors.
and i am pleased to announce this morning that the uk will pledge a further 6 million tosupport survivors of sexual violence in conflict – a further 6 million to help them rebuildtheir lives and rebuild communities.
but governments alone cannot end sexual violence in conflict, so this is much more than justa meeting of ministers.
we also want to help achieve a change in attitudes all over the world to these crimes – and youare part of changing those attitudes.
we want to shift the stigma from survivors onto the perpetrators of these crimes, so that they– not the innocent victims – bear the stigma.
we want to encourage men to speak out, we want to encourage men to speak out – to agreewith us that it is only a weak or inadequate man who abuses women. it is not, it’s not a sign ofstrength, it is the ultimate weakness and shame.
we want to draw attention to the hidden survivors of sexual violence, all those who have feltunable to speak out and who have suffered in silence including men and boys.
we want people around the world to understand the scale of the problem and the urgent needfor action, to recognise the damage it does to international peace and security and to bemobilised and inspired to work within their societies and with us to bear down on this terribleinjustice.
so each hour for the next 84 hours a british diplomatic post somewhere in the world will beholding an event to mirror what we are doing here in london. this event is round the clock allround the world. and i hope you will help us ensure that over the next three and a half daysthat this summit reaches the whole world.
we encourage anyone who cares about this issue to visit and to take part with us here: to seethe multitude of exhibitions, performances and films that are on show, and to join in thediscussions here physically and on social media.
i believe that foreign policy is no longer the sole preserve of governments, that we all need towork together in new ways to tackle global problems and this summit is an example of ourdetermination as the united kingdom to champion that.
angelina and i want to thank all the organisations, performers, activists and individuals heretoday for your inspiring work and your contributions to this effort, and we will urge all theministers to visit and see the exhibitions.
there are some people who say that these problems are so vast that our efforts will be in vain,but they fail to understand what governments, international organisations, civil society andpublic opinion can achieve when we all pull in the same direction.
from the abolition of slavery to the adoption of the arms trade treaty, we have shown that theinternational community can tackle vast global problems in a way that was once consideredto be impossible.
there is power in numbers and if we unite behind this cause we can create an unstoppablemomentum and consign this vile abuse to history.
with every injustice in the world, with every injustice in the world, a moment comes when thetide turns, when the pressure of public opinion and political will reaches a tipping point.
we have a remarkable opportunity over these next few days to build the momentumneeded to tip the world past that point of no return, so that through hard work andcommitment over the coming years we can remove warzone rape from the world’s arsenal ofcruelty.
we can’t do this overnight, we can’t do it overnight. for the british government, and forangelina and for me personally, this summit is not the end of the road for our work, it is inmany ways just the beginning.
over the next few years we must go on to show that what we agree here in london can make abig practical difference.
so in opening the fringe and the exhibitions this morning, we hope you will all work with us andbe part of this historic endeavour.
i am grateful to you all for being here.
thank you very much indeed.
i have been in university for about one year. during my stay here, i came to realize that university life is like drinking coke. we experience all tastes of life here, sour, sweet, bitter and hot.
i am from province, which is far away from here. i often miss my mum, friends, and relatives in my hometown. however, i can't see them very often. so loneliness always keeps me company. i am sad that i can't be there with them.
lucky for me, life in university is rich and colorful. with more free time,we can do many more things besides study, such as joining societies clubs, and taking part-time jobs. such activities not only make our life more colorful, but also help us improve all kinds of skills. the university is a society miniature, what we learn here will benefit our future life.
our path in life will not always be smooth. setbacks can't be avoided. failing an important exam, break up with boy or girl friend, or refused by a promising company, such setbacks are likely to get us down. sometimes we fell so frustrated that we even burst into tears.
drinkin coke is wonderful, despite the undesirble consequent hiccups. it's bitter, sour and peppery, but also sweet. and you'll even feel excited after gulping down a glass. a college experience is part of growing up. we cry, smile, fall in love, get hurt, leave, learn and then we become a better person.
university life is like drinking coke. i'm experiencing it. and i know, i enjoy it!
我在大学已经大约一年。在我留在这里，我才意识到大学生活就像喝可乐。我们体验生活的味道，酸、甜、苦、辣。
我来自省，离这里很远。我经常想念我的妈妈，朋友，亲戚在我的家乡。然而，我不能经常看到他们。所以孤独总是使我公司。我很伤心，我不能和他们在一起。
幸运的是，大学的生活是丰富多彩的。有更多的自由时间，我们可以做更多的事情除了学习，如加入社会俱乐部，和兼职工作。这样的活动不仅使我们的生活更加丰富多彩，但也帮助我们提高各种技能。大学是一个小型社会，我们在这里学习将有利于我们未来的生活。
我们的人生道路并不总是一帆风顺。挫折无法避免。失败的一个重要的考试，跟男孩还是女孩分手的朋友，或者拒绝由一个有前途的公司，这样的挫折会让我们失望。有时我们下降如此沮丧，我们甚至大哭起来。
喝可乐是美好的，尽管undesirble随之打嗝。它是苦的，酸的，辛辣的，但也甜。你甚至会吞吃玻璃后感到兴奋。大学经历是成长的一部分。我们哭泣，微笑，坠入爱河，受伤，离开，学习，然后成为一个更好的人。
大学生活就像喝可乐。我正在经历它。我知道，我喜欢它！
尊敬的王忠禹会长，尊敬的王文斌副主任，尊敬的各位领导、各位专家、各位企业家同仁：
大家上午好！
中国企业联合会两年一届的中国企业文化年会，为中国企业探讨企业文化建设提供了难得的学习机会和交流平台，今天我非常荣幸能就企业文化转型一题和大家交流探讨。
中国企业谈企业文化也就是近几年的事。在企业文化建设上更多是在中国传统文化与改革开放大环境中，关注的是企业自身的管理理念、道德规范和行为准则等，创造创新我荣、企业与员工商议为主导的中国式企业文化，员工和企业命运体，企业是员工事业的平台，这种中国特色的企业文化营造氛围，凝聚人心，激发动力等方面确实为中国企业发展发挥了积极重要的作用。
亨通是一家民营企业，创业20多年来，也是在这种传统与现代的文化主导下，形成六位一体的亨通特色文化。我们以发展为核心的创新文化，以市场为导向的经营文化，以用人为本的人才文化，以精细化为核心的管理文化，以构建和谐社会为目标的党建文化，以贡献社会为已任的责任文化。得益于这六种文化的体系和融合的创新，亨通获得快速健康的发展，完成了在全国九省市的产业，实现亨通文化与当地文化的有效兼容，扎根于深厚的华夏文化土壤。
在今天经济全球化，一个企业不顺应时代潮流，不融入全球发展的格局，将很难获得再继续的发展，终将被世界淘汰。常言道，今天你不国际化，明天就成为别人国际化的一部分。企业国际化成功与否，主要看企业与海外文化融合，文化落地，但实际的情况是中国企业在“走出去”进程中，越来越多的遭受到来自不同国家、民族、宗教信仰文化挑战。中国企业在异国他乡如果不能化解在思维定式、法律秩序、宗教信仰、行为习惯文化冲突，企业就很难在这些国家和地区生存下来。
亨通十多年来国际化实践，让我们深深感受到，企业国际化首先是人才的国际化，而人才的国际化必须是文化的国际化。在未来布局全球的发展中，亨通将在尊重不同国家、民族、宗教、信仰的前提下，迅速适应跨国文化环境，开放包容的企业文化，这是文化冲突融合中我们得到的启示。
中国人经常有雄心、有魄力，雷厉风行，很多国家更注重制定规则，循序渐进，按部就班工作方式，我们在巴西筹建新厂，很希望当地员工像中国员工一样工作搞突进、加班，把工程进度都提早文化，他们的文化习惯是工作是按计划的，工作八个小时，我们了解到这种文化，所以我们必须尊重异国劳动观念和法规。
中国企业在用人文化，以结构导向的绩效考核，但是在中东、非洲行不通，埃及等国聘了当地的员工做业务，即使投标时间紧，由于时差的需要，但他们不会加班完成本质工作，工作时间和个人的时间分得很清楚。我们后来为此改变规则，发挥他们的长处，让他们只做本地服务客户的工作，其他工作由中国员工承担。
在中东阿拉伯国家，无论是开会，包括约会，商务谈判，比约定时间迟到两个小时、三个小时是常见的，他们是没有时间概念的，效率也是很低的。所以按照中国人的习惯，开发是一条龙的服务，在印度无法理解这种模式，他们认为做客户就是做客户关系的，搞技术就是做技术的工作，商务就是商务。所以我们在聘任印度员工进行全流程的业务培训，他们也是不理解的。所以，亨通的国际化就是在复杂文化环境中稳步推进的，到目前为止我们也在全球设立了30多家营销技术服务分公司，在南非、南亚、中亚已经建立了研发生产基地，产品覆盖全球110多个国家和地区，尽管如此，企业国际化任重道远。国际化不仅仅把产品卖到海外，把人员派到海外，把工厂建到海外，最重要的是建立起支撑国际化发展的跨国别、跨民族、跨文化、跨宗教的，在全球行之有效的企业文化体系。
以史为鉴，纵观世界500强企业潮起潮落，跌宕起伏变迁，成就百年基业，实现永序经营仍然是生深不惜的企业文化。这些文化的信仰成为人类最宝贵的文化遗产，值得中国企业学习借鉴。比如客户利益高于企业的利益，团队利益高于个人利益，社会价值高于企业价值，未来我们将围绕员工、企业、社会三者关系打造国际化的企业文化：
一是员工是创造企业文化的源泉。员工是企业最宝贵的财富，把人力资本当作智力投资，放进可增值的资产端。说“大众创业、万众创新”，我们认为员工既是企业创造价值的创造者，更是企业文化的建设者、践行者。
二是要打造创新驱动性的企业文化。现在我们身处大变革、大创新的时代，过去讲失败是成功之母，现在正好反过来，成功是失败之母教训屡见不鲜，任何行业信息的营销模式会遭受颠覆性的竞争，所以我们认为发展无极限，创新无处不在，创新永无止境。
三是担当起时代的社会责任文化。企业小的时候是个人的，企业做大了就是社会的，必须心怀感激之心，为社会创造价值做出贡献的感恩文化。一个企业向社会输出的不仅是产品和服务，更应为社会输送优秀的企业文化、创新的理念和思想。助推和谐社会，先进文化的建设。所以，我们坚信一流的文化造就一流的企业，企业文化必成为百年企业比拼的核心竞争力。
最后，祝各位领导、企业家朋友们，身体健康、万事如意，谢谢大家！
A Young Idler,An Old Beggar
Almost everyone knows the famous Chinese saying:A young idler,an old beggar. Throughout history,we have seen many cases in which this saying has again and again proved to be true.
It goes without saying that the youth is the best time of life,during which ones mental and physical states are at their peaks. It takes relatively less time and pains to learn or accept new things in a world full of changes and rapid developments. In addition,one is less likely to be under great pressure from career,family and health problems when young. Therefore,a fresh mind plus enormous energy will ensure success in different aspects of life.
Of course,we all know:no pains,no gains. If we dont make every effort to make good use of the advantages youth brings us,it is impossible to achieve any goals. As students,we should now try our best to learn all the subjects well so that we can be well prepared for the challenges that we will face in the future.
译文
少壮不努力，老大徒伤悲
几乎所有人都明白中国有一句老话：少壮不努力，老大徒伤悲。透过阅读历史，我们从一个又一个的案例当中得知，这句话被证实是真确的。
不用说都明白，在青年时期，人的智力和身体状况都是一生中最好的，这也是一个人一生中最好的时期。在这个处处都不停地转变，飞快地发展的世界里，年轻使人相对地用更少的时光去学习和领悟新知。在这时，很少人会困在从事业上来的压力下，家庭和健康问题也比较小（就是说不是没有——译者）。所以，一个清醒的脑袋加上巨大的能量就会成就人生中不一样方面的成功。
当然，我们都明白：没有挫折就没有获得。如果我们没有好好努力去利用年轻带给我们的优胜之处，那就没有可能获得任何的成功。作为中学生，我们就应做到最好去学好每一个科目，这样的话，我们就能够为将来即将应对的挑战做好准备。
my favourite animal is tortoise. tortoise walk not fast. but i like the tortoise. why? because, tortoise is a cute animal. it has a short tail and a four short foot. it has a little head and a hard shell. there are forty-five little and cute tortoises in my home. they like to play in the water. when they afraid of some thing. they will run fast. they like to eat fish. i often buy some small fish for them to eat. they can catch the fish fast. first, they fake(假) sleep. when the fish swim near their mouth. they catch the fish fast and bit the fishs head. so, the fish die. they can eat the fish. in winter. they like to sleep in the sand. when they sleep, they don’t eat any food.because they will hibernation. but, when they are thirsty. they e out of the sand. so, we must give water to them to drink.
i love the tortoise. i hate the eagle. because, the eagle often eat the tortoise with it sharp mouth.my favourite animal is tortoise.
译文
我最喜欢的动物是乌龟。乌龟走不快。但我喜欢乌龟。为什么？因为，乌龟是一个可爱的动物。它有一个短尾巴和一四个短脚。它有一个小脑袋和一个坚硬的外壳。有四十五只可爱的乌龟在我的家。他们喜欢在水里玩耍。当他们害怕一些东西。他们会跑得很快。他们喜欢吃鱼。我经常买一些小的鱼给他们吃。他们能够快速地捕捉到鱼。首先，他们伪造（假）睡眠。当鱼游到它们的嘴。他们抓鱼快，咬了鱼的头。所以，鱼死。他们能够吃鱼。在冬天。他们喜欢在沙滩上睡觉。当他们睡觉的时候，他们不吃任何食物。因为会冬眠。但是，当他们渴了。他们从沙子中出来。所以，我们务必给他们水喝。
我爱乌龟。我恨老鹰。因为，鹰常常吃乌龟与它锋利的爪子，最喜欢的动物是乌龟。
Good Evening, my fellow Americans.
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.
Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.
How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?
How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?
What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?
What choices do we have if we are to end the war?
What are the prospects for peace?
Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan. 20th: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule. Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.
The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.
In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.
But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.
Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?
Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet union , launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.
In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts of prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.
Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.
But the question facing us today is -- now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?
In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.
For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.
We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.
With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.
For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.
Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.
In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said we want to see a stable Government there, carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence.
We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there.
President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.
For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.
For these reasons I rejected the recommendation I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.
We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed to cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.
And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.
We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.
At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.
We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.
That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.
Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.
I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.
Hanoi’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of Stare Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger; Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.
In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.
None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks.
I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.
I did this outside the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.
“Dear Mr. President:
“I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face towards peace rather than toward conflict and war."
I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on Aug. 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.
In addition to the public meetings that I’ve referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.
And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.
But the effect of all the public, private and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on Jan. 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.
Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s becoming clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.
And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.
There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.
I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.
Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.
It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.
Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.
We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.
In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the armament and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggressions.
Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.
He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, United States policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”
Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles of guidelines for future American policy toward Asia .
First, the United States will deep all of its treaty commitments.
Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.
Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.
I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.
Thank you.
小知识提示：好的演讲稿，应该既有热情的。鼓动，又有冷静的分析，要把抒情和说理有机地结合起来，做到动之以情，晓之以理。