梦想，是一个目标，是让自己活下去的原动力，是让自己开心的原因。这次为您整理了i have a dream演讲稿中英文【精选8篇】，希望能够帮助到大家。
Every one has his own dream. When I was a little kid ， my dream was even to have a candy shop of my own 。But now ，when I am 16 years old ，standing here ，my dreams have already changed a lot.
I have got quite different experience from other girls. While they were playing toys at home, while they were dreaming to be the princesses in the story 。I was running in the hard rain, jumping in the heavy snow, pitching in the strong wind. Nothing could stop me ，because of a wonderful call from my heart -- to be an athlete. Yeah ，of course ，Im an athlete, Im so proud of that all the time 。
When I was 10 years old ，I became a shot-put athlete. The training was really hard ，I couldnt bear the heavy shot in my hands 。But I always believe that "God only help those who help themselves"。 During those hard days, I find I was growing more quickly than others of the same age. To be an athlete is my most correct choice. But, I quite like my team after entering high school because of a silly excuse. I really didnt want to stop my sports career anyway.
Today I say to you my friends that even though I must face the difficulties of yesterday ，today and tomorrow 。I still have a dream 。It is a dream deeply rooted in my soul.
I have a dream that one day, I can run, jump and pitch just like I used to be.
I have a dream that one day, I can go back to my dream sports and join the national team.
I have a dream that one day ，I can stand on the highest place at the Olympic games. With all the cameras pointing at me. I will tell everyone that Im so proud to be a Chinese athlete!
This is my hope 。This is the faith that I continue my steps with!！
With this faith, I will live though the strong wind and heavy rain ，never give up ！
So let victory ring from my heart, from all of you. When we allow victory to ring 。I must be the one!
In my imagination, Im a bird ，a magical bird. I carry my dreams all with me by my big wings. I fly though the mountains ，though the forests ，over the sea, to the sun ，the warmest place in the aerospace!
Every night ，I have a dream ，I see a girl ---smiling~
That’s all thank you!
【翻译】
每个人都有自己的梦想。当我还是个小孩，我的梦想甚至有自己的糖果店。但是现在，当我16岁，站在这里，我的梦想已经改变了很多。
我从其他女孩有完全不同的体验。当他们在家里玩玩具，而他们做梦都想成为公主的故事。我在暴雨中运行，跳跃在大雪中，投手在强风。什么也不能阻止我，因为一个奇妙的电话，我的心，是一个运动员。是的，当然，我是一名运动员，我很自豪。
当我10岁时，我成为了一名掷铅球运动员。培训是非常困难的，我不能忍受沉重的枪放到我手里的情景。但是我总是相信“上帝只帮助那些帮助自己”。在那些困难的日子里，我发现我是同龄的比其他人更快地增长。成为一名运动员是我最正确的选择。但是，我很喜欢我的团队进入高中后，因为一个愚蠢的借口。我真的不想停止我的运动生涯。
今天我对你说我的朋友，即使我昨天必须面对的困难，今天和明天。我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦想是深深扎根于我的灵魂。
我有一个梦想，有一天，我可以跑、跳和球场就像我。
我有一个梦想，有一天，我可以回到我的梦想体育和加入国家队。
我有一个梦想，有一天，我能站在最高的地方在奥运会上。所有的摄像机指向我。我将告诉每个人我很自豪能成为一个中国运动员！
这是我的希望。这是信仰，我继续我的脚步！ ！ ！
有了这个信念，我将活不过强风和大雨，永不放弃！
所以让胜利声从我的心，从你们所有的人。当我们让胜利环。我必须的！
在我的想象中，我是一只鸟，一个神奇的鸟。我带着我的梦想与我的大翅膀。我飞虽然山上，尽管森林，海洋，太阳最温暖的地方在航空！
每天晚上，我有一个梦想，我看到一个女孩，微笑~
这就是谢谢你！
合众国的同胞们：
1861年3月4日
按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯，我现在来到诸位的面前，简单地讲几句话，并在你们的面前，遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式，在大家面前宣誓。
我认为没有必要在这里来讨论并不特别令人忧虑和不安的行政方面的问题。
在南方各州人民中似乎存在着一种恐惧心理。他们认为，随着共和党政府的执政，他们的财产，他们的和平生活和人身安全都将遭到危险。这种恐惧是从来没有任何事实根据的。说实在的，大量相反的证据倒是一直存在，并随时可以供他们检查的。那种证据几乎在现在对你们讲话的这个人公开发表的每一篇演说中都能找到。这里我只想引用其中的一篇，在那篇演说中我曾说，“我完全无意，对已经存在奴隶制的各州的这一制度，进行直接或间接的干涉。我深信我根本没有合法权利那样做，而且我无此意图。”那些提名我并选举我的人都完全知道，我曾明确这么讲过，并且还讲过许多类似的话，而且从来也没有收回过我已讲过的这些话。不仅如此，他们还在纲领中，写进了对他们和对我来说，都具有法律效力的一项清楚明白、不容含糊的决议让我接受。这里我来对大家谈谈这一决议：
“决议，保持各州的各种权利不受侵犯，特别是各州完全凭自己的决断来安排和控制本州内部各种制度的权利不受侵犯，乃是我们的政治结构赖以完善和得以持久的权力均衡的至为重要的因素；我们谴责使用武装力量非法入侵任何一个州或准州的土地，这种入侵不论使用什么借口，都是最严重的罪行。”
我现在重申这些观点：而在这样做的时候，我只想提请公众注意，最能对这一点提出确切证据的那就是全国任何一个地方的财产、和平生活和人身安全决不会在任何情况下，由于即将上任的政府而遭到危险。这里我还要补充说，各州只要符合宪法和法律规定，合法地提出保护要求，政府便一定会乐于给予保护，不管是出于什么原因一一而且对任何一个地方都一视同仁。
有一个争论得很多的问题是，关于逃避服务或引渡从劳役中逃走的人的问题。我现在要宣读的条文，也和任何有关其它问题的条款一样，明明白白写在宪法之中：
“凡根据一个州的法律应在该州于服务或从事劳役的人，如逃到另一州，一律不得按照这一州的法律或条例，使其解除该项服务或劳役，而必，须按照有权享有该项服务或劳役当事人的要求，将其引渡。”
毫无疑问，按照制订这一条款的人的意图，此项规定实际指的就是，对我们所说的逃亡奴隶有权索回；而法律制订人的这一意图实际已成为法律。国会的所有议员都曾宣誓遵守宪法中的一切条款——对这一条和其它各条并无两样。因此，关于适合这一条款规定的奴隶应“将其引渡”这一点，他们的誓言是完全一致的。那么现在如果他们心平气和地作一番努力，他们难道不能以几乎同样完全一致的誓言，制订一项法律，以使他们的共同誓言得以实施吗？
究竟这一条款应该由国家当局，还是由州当局来执行，大家的意见还不完全一致；但可以肯定地说，这种分歧并不是什么十分重要的问题。只要奴隶能被交还，那究竟由哪一个当局来交还，对奴隶或对别的人来说，没有什么关系。任何人，在任何情况下，也决不会因为应以何种方式来实。现他的誓言这样一个无关紧要的争执，他便会认为完全可以不遵守自己的誓言吧？
另外，在任何有关这一问题的法律中，应不应该把文明和人道法学中关于自由的各项保证都写上，以防止在任何情况下使一个自由人被作为奴隶交出吗？同时，宪法中还有一条规定，明确保证“每一州的公民都享有其它各州公民所享有公民的一切特权和豁免权”，我们用法律保证使这一条文得以执行，那不是更好吗？
我今天在这里正式宣誓，思想上决无任何保留，也决无意以任何过于挑剔的标准来解释宪法或法律条文。我现在虽不打算详细指出国会的哪些法令必须要遵照执行；但我建议，我们大家，不论以个人身份还是以公职人员的身份，为了有更多的安全，我们最好服从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令，而不要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法，便可以逃脱罪责，而对它们公然违反。
自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来，七十二年已经过去了。在这期间，十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门。他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻；一般都获得极大的成功。然而，尽管有这么多可供参考的先例，我现在将在宪法所规定的短短四年任期中来担任这同一任务，却。面临着巨大的非同一般的困难。在此以前，分裂联邦只是受到了威胁，而现在却是已出现力图分裂它的可怕行动了。
从一般法律和我们的宪法来仔细考虑，我坚信，我们各州组成的联邦是永久性的。在一切国民政府的根本大法中永久性这一点，虽不一定写明，却是不言而喻的。我们完全可以肯定说，没有一个名副其实的政府会在自己的根本法中定出一条，规定自己完结的期限。继续执行我国宪法所明文规定的各项条文，联邦便将永远存在下去——除了采取并未见之于宪法的行动，谁也不可能毁灭掉联邦。
还有，就算合众国并不是个名副其实的政府，而只是依靠契约成立的一个各州的联合体，那既有契约的约束，若非参加这一契约的各方一致同意，我们能说取消就把它取消吗？参加订立契约的一方可以违约，或者说毁约；但如果合法地取消这一契约，岂能不需要大家一致同意吗？
从这些总原则出发，我们发现，从法学观点来看，联邦具有永久性质的提法，是为联邦自身的历史所证实的。联邦本身比宪法更为早得多。事实上，它是由1774年，签订的《联合条款》建立的。到1776年的《独立宣言》才使它进一步成熟和延续下来。然后，通过1778年的“邦联条款”使它更臻成熟，当时参加的十三个州便已明确保证要使邦联永久存在下去。最后，到1787年制订的宪法公开宣布的目的之一，便是“组建一个更为完美的联邦”。
但是，如果任何一个州，或几个州也可以合法地把联邦给取消掉，加这个联邦可是比它在宪法制订以前还更不完美了，因为它已失去了它的一个至关重要因素——永久性。
从这些观点我们可以认定，任何一个州，都不可能仅凭自己动议，便能合法地退出联邦——而任何以此为目的的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的；至于任何一州或几州的反对合众国当
局的暴力行为，都可以依据具体情况视为叛乱或革命行为。
因此我认为，从宪法和法律的角度来看，联邦是不容分裂的；我也将竭尽全力，按照宪法明确赋于我的责任，坚决负责让联邦的一切法令在所有各州得以贯彻执行。这样做，我认为只是履行我应负的简单职责；只要是可行的，我就一定要履行它，除非我的合法的主人美国人民，收回赋予我的不可缺少的工具，或行使他们的权威，命令我采取相反的行动。我相信我这话决不会被看成是一种恫吓，而只会被看作实现联邦已公开宣布的目的，它必将按照宪法保卫和维持它自己的存在。
要做到这一点并不需要流血或使用暴力，除非有人把它强。加于国家当局，否则便决不会发生那种情况。赋予我的权力将被用来保持、占有和掌管属于政府的一切财产和土地。征收各种税款和关税；但除开为了这些目的确有必要这外，决不会有什么入侵问题——决不会在任何地方对人民，或在人民之间使用武力。任何内地，即使对联邦政府的敌对情绪已十分严重和普遍，以致妨害有能力的当地公民执行联邦职务的时候，政府也决不会强制派进令人厌恶的外来人去担任这些职务。尽管按严格的法律规定，政府有权强制履行这些职责，但一定要那样做，必然非常使人不愉快，也几乎不切实际，所以我认为最好还是暂时先把这些职责放一放。
邮政，除非遭到拒收，仍将在联邦全境运作。在可能的情况下，一定要让各地人民，都享有完善的安全感，这十分有利于冷静思索和反思。我在这里所讲的这些方针必将奉行，除非当前事态和实际经验表明修改或改变方针是合适的。对任何一个事件和紧急问题，我一定会根据当时出现的具体形势谨慎从事，期望以和平手段解决国内纠纷，力图恢复兄弟爱手足情。
至于说某些地方总有些人不顾一切一心想破坏联邦，并不惜以任何借口图谋不轨，我不打算肯定或否定；如果确有这样一些人，我不必要再对他们讲什么。但对那些真正热爱联邦的人，我不可以讲几句吗？
在我们着手研究如此严重的一件事情之前，那就是要把我们的国家组织连同它的一切利益，一切记忆和一切希望全给消灭掉，难道明智的做法不是先仔细研究一下那样做究竟是为了什么？当事实上极有可能你企图逃避的祸害并不存在的时候，你还会不顾一切采取那种贻害无穷的步骤吗？或者你要逃避的灾祸虽确实存在，而在你逃往的地方却有更大的灾祸在等着你；那你会往那里逃吗？你会冒险犯下如此可怕的一个错误吗？
大家都说，如果宪法中所规定的一切权利都确实得到执行，那他也就会留在联邦里。那么，真有什么如宪法申明文规定的权利被否定了吗？我想没有。很幸运，人的头脑是这样构造出来的，没有一个党敢于如此冒天下之大不韪。如果可能，请你们讲出哪怕是一个例子来，说明有什么宪法中明文规定的条款是没有得到执行的。如果多数派完全靠人数上的优势，剥夺掉少数派宪法上明文规定的权利，这件事从道义的角度来看，也许可以说革命是正当的——如果被剥夺的是极为重要的权利，那革命就肯定无疑是合理行动。但我们的情况却并非如此。少数派和个人的一切重要权利，在宪法中，通过肯定和否定、保证和禁令；都一一向他们作了明确保证，以致关于这类问题，从来也没有引起过争论。但是，在制订基本法时却不可能对实际工作中出现的任何问题，都一一写下可以立即加以应用的条文。再高明的预见也不可能料定未来的一切，任何长度适当的文件也不可能包容下针对一切可能发生的问题的条文。逃避劳役的人到底应该由联邦政府交还还是由州政府交还呢？宪法上没有具体规定。国会可以在准州禁止奴隶制吗？宪法没有具体规定。国会必须保护准州的奴隶制吗？宪法也没有具体规定。
从这类问题中引出了我们对宪法问题的争端，并因这类问题使我们分成了多数派和少数派。如果少数派不肯默认，多数派便必须默认，否则政府便只好停止工作了。再没有任何别的路可走；要让政府继续行使职权，便必须要这一方或那一方默认。在这种情况下，如果一个少数派宁可脱离也决不默认，那他们也就开创将来必会使他们分裂和毁灭的先例；因为，当多数派拒绝接受这样一个少数派的控制的时候，他们中的少数派便必会从他们之中再脱离出去。比如说，一个新的联盟的任何一部分，在一两年之后，为什么就不会像现在的联邦中的一些部分坚决要脱离出去一样，执意要从从那个新联盟中脱离出去。所有怀着分裂联邦思想的人现在都正接受着分裂思想的教育。难道要组成一个新联邦的州，它们的利益竟会是那样完全一致，它们只会有和谐，而不会再出现脱离行动吗？
非常清楚，脱离的中心思想实质就是无政府主义。一个受着宪法的检查和限制的约束，总是随着大众意见和情绪的慎重变化而及时改变的多数派，是自由人民的唯一真正的统治者。谁要想排斥他们，便必然走向无政府主义或专制主义。完全一致是根本不可能的；把少数派的统治作为一种长期安排是完全不能接受的，所以，一旦排斥了多数原则，剩下的便只有某种形式的无政府主义或某专制主义了。
我没有忘记某些人的说法，认为宪法问题应该由最高法院来裁决。我也不否认这种裁决，在任何情况下，对诉讼各万，以及诉讼目的，完全具有约束力，而且在类似的情况中，—应受到政府的一切其它部门高度的尊重和重视。尽管非常明显，这类裁决在某一特定案例中都很可能会是错误的，然而，这样随之而来的恶果总只限于该特定案件，同时裁决还有机会被驳回，不致成为以后判案的先例，那这种过失比起其它的过失来当然更让人容易忍受。同时，正直的公民必须承认，如果政府在有关全体人民利害的重大问题的政策，都得由最高法院的裁决，作出决定那一旦对个人之间的一般诉讼作出裁决时，人民便已不再是自己的主人，而达到了将他们的政府交给那个高于一切的法庭的地步了。我这样说，决无意对法院或法官表示不满。一件案子按正常程序送到他们面前，对它作出正当裁决，是他们的不可推卸的责任；如果别的人硬要把他们的判决用来达到政治目的，那并不是他们的过错。
我国有一部分人相信奴隶制是正确的。应该扩展，而另一部分人又相信它是错误的，不应该扩展。这是唯一的实质性的争执，宪法中有关逃亡奴隶的条款，以及制止对外奴隶贸易的法
律，在一个人民的道德观念并不支持该法的，社会里，它们的执行情况也许不次于任何一项法律所能达到的程度。在两种情况下，绝大多数的人都遵守枯燥乏味的法律义务，但又都有少数人不听那一套。关于这一点，我想，要彻底解决是根本不可能的；如果寸巴两个地区分离。以后，情况只会更坏。对外奴隶贸易现在并未能完全加以禁止，最后在一个地区中必将全面恢复；对于逃亡奴隶，在另一个地区，现在送回的只是一部分，将来会完全不肯交出来了。
就自然条件而言，我们是不能分离的。我们决不能把我们的各个地区相互搬开，也不可能在它们之间修建起一道无法逾越的高墙。一对夫妻可以离婚，各走各的路，彼此再不见面。但我们国家的各部分可无法这么办。它们只能面对面相处，友好也罢。仇视也罢，他们仍必须彼此交往。我们维道能有任何办法使得这种交往在分离之后，比分离：之前更为有利，更为令，人满意吗？难道在外人之间订立条约，比在朋友之间制订法律还更为容易吗？难道在外人之间履行条约，比在朋友之间按法律办事还更忠实吗？就算你们决定。诉诸战争，你们，总不能永远打下去吧；最后当两败俱伤而双方都一无所获时，你们停止战斗，那时依照什么条件相互交往，这同一个老问题仍会照样摆在你们面前了。
这个国家，连同它的各种机构，都属于居住在这里的人民。任何时候，他们对现存政府感到厌倦了，他们可以行使他们的宪法权利，改革这个政府，或者行使他们的革命权利解散它或者推翻它。我当然知道，现在就有许多尊贵的、爱国的公民极于想修订我们的宪法。尽管我自己不会那么建议，我却也完全承认他们在这个问题上的合法权利，承认他们可以按照宪法所规定的两种方式中的任何一种来行使这种权利；而且，在目前情况下，我不但不反对，而倒是赞成给人民一个公正的机会让他们去行动。
我还不禁要补充一点，在我看来，采取举行会议的方式似乎更好一些，这样可以使修订方案完全由人民自己提出，而不是只让他们去接受或拒绝一些并非特别为此目的而选出的一些人提出的方案，因为也可能那些方案恰恰并不是他们愿意接受或拒绝的。我了解到现在已有人提出一项宪法修正案——这修正案我并没有看到，但在国会中已经通过了，大意说，联邦政府将永远不再干涉各州内部制度，包括那些应服劳役者的问题。为了使我讲的话不致被误解，我现在改变我不谈具体修正案的原来的打算，明确声明，这样一个条款，既然现在可能列入宪法，我不反对使它成为明确而不可改动的条文。
合众国总统的一切权威都来之于人民，人民并没有授于他规定条件让各州脱离出去的权力。人民自己如果要那样干，那自然也是可以的；可是现在的行政当局不能这样做。他的职责，是按照他接任时的样子管理这个政府，然后，毫无损伤地再移交给他的继任者。
我们为什么不能耐心地坚决相信人民的最终的公道呢？难道在整个世界上还有什么更好的，或与之相等的希望吗？在我们今天的分歧中，难道双方不都是认为自己正确吗？如果万国的全能统治者，以他的永恒的真理和公正，站在你们北方一边，或你们南方一边，那么，依照美国人民这一伟大法官的判决，真理和公正必将胜利。
按照目前我们生活其下的现政府的构架，我国人民十分明智；授于他们的公仆的胡作非为的权力是微乎其微的；而且同样还十分明智地规定，即使那点微乎其微的权力，经过很短一段时间后，就必须收回到他们自己手中。
由于人民保持他们的纯正和警惕，任何行政当局，在短短的四年之中，也不可能用极其恶劣或愚蠢的行为对这个政府造成严重的损害。
我的同胞们，请大家对这整个问题平心静气地好好想一想，真正有价值的东西是不会因从容从事而丧失的。如果有个什么目标使你迫不及待地要取得它，你采取的步骤是在审慎考虑的
情况下不会采取的，那个目标的确可能会由于你的从容不迫而达不到；但一个真正好的自标是不会因为从容从事而失去的。你们中现在感到不满的人，仍然必须遵守原封未动的老宪法，新个敏感的问题上，仍然有根据宪法制订的法律；而对此二者，新政府即使想要加以改变，它自身也立即无此权力。即使承认你们那些心怀不满的人在这一争执中站在正确的一边，那也丝毫没有正当的理由要采取贸然行动。明智、爱国主义、基督教精神，以及对从未抛弃过这片得天独厚的土地的上帝的依赖，仍然完全能够以最理想的方式来解决我们当前的一切困难。
决定内战这个重大问题的是你们，我的心怀不满的同胞们，而并非决定于我。政府决不会攻击你们。只要你们自己不当侵略者，就不会发生冲突。你们并没有对天发誓必须毁灭这个政
府，而我却曾无比庄严地宣誓，一定要“保持、保护和保卫”这个政府。
我真不想就此结束我的讲话，我们不是敌人，而是朋友。我们决不能成为敌人。尽管目前的情绪有些紧张，但决不能容许它使我们之间的亲密情感纽带破裂。回忆的神秘琴弦，在整个这片辽阔的土地上，从每一个战场，每一个爱国志士的坟墓，延伸到每一颗跳动的心和每一个家庭，它有一天会被我们的良知所触动，再次奏出联邦合唱曲。
i am honored extremely stand in here for everybody lecture!
we all knew that, now the world all is suffering the financial crisis, and many factories all already went out of business the bankruptcy, this also meant could have many people to face is coming off sentry duty.
perhaps in school we regarding this realized is not very big, however we soon face the graduation, also meant must look for the work.
already some people commented: the next several year university graduate, the graduation also on meant unemployment! although i not like this believed, but i still felt we should have one kind of crisis feeling, by faces the worst possible occurrence.
therefore, also cannot again continue to waste in the university period time, that already was may not obtain extremely! therefore i hoped schoolmates, all can learn own diligently special course, in order to might find from now on most suits own work.
我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。
现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。
我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。
让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。
这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。
对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。
对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记取，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，结果却被虎所吞噬。
对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。
对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作善行，在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己会管。
至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会，在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中，它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言；不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对于新国弱国的保护，并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。
最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。
我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。
可是这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担，双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇，可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡，而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。
因此让我们重新开始，双方都应记住，谦恭并非懦弱的征象，而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。
让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题，而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。
让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议，并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。
让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，开发海洋深处，并鼓励艺术和商务。
让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令，去“卸下沉重的负担……(并)让被压迫者得自由。”
如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，那么，让双方联合作一次新的努力吧，这不是追求新的权力均衡，而是建立一个新的法治世界，在那世界上强者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。
凡此种。种不会在最初的一百天中完成，不会在最初的一千天中完成，不会在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。
同胞们，我们事业的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来，每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。
现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的；不是号召我们去作战，虽然我们准备应战；那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争，“在希望中欢乐，在患难中忍耐”；这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。
我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人，来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活？你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力？
在世界的悠久历史中，只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩；我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人，而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。
所以，同胞们：不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
全世界的公民：不要问美国愿为你们做些什么，而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。
最后，不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民，请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧，我们行为的最后裁判者是历史，让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土，企求上帝的保佑与扶携，但我们知道，在这个世界上，上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。
Respect teacher, dear students:
Everybody is good! The title of my speech today is "I have a dream"。
I am not a poet, cant use the beautiful poem eulogizing my life; I am not a scholar, cant use the value of the deep thoughts I; I am not a singer, cant use beautiful voice singing my future.
Im just a student, but I have a dream.
Remember the first time when I was three years old, entering kindergarten, first saw the charming big eyes and the sweet dimples, she is my first teacher, teacher liu. She loves to take us to play outside in the spring. Always remember, at that time, the flowers open, the grass is always green, the wind is always sunny, we are always happy. Liu had a good rapport with us, never scold us, she inclusive our everything. We all take her as his own mother and play the woman, in front of her sleep in her arms. Unconsciously, the carefree childhood happy time they slipped in our laughing. But liu that motherly image has left a deep impression in my mind.
Say goodbye to childhood, entered the primary school. At this moment, I once again see the keen eyes and the kind smile, she is my primary school teacher - Cao Laoshi. She always love when I get good grades, give me a ray of peaceful eyes and a smile says: the eyes tell me, dont be proud! The smile encouraged me, good, continue to refuel! Elementary school six years, the eyes, the smile, like a warm spring breeze, like the warm sunshine, the upward, shine on me, let me grow. Time flies, primary school, I left the Alma mater of six years of life, but Cao Laoshi voice let me never forget.
Now, I entered a junior high school. Remember the first lesson is a language teacher, she took to the three feet platform, with three inches of chalk write down four points of the junior middle school Chinese learning for us, watching, reading, thinking and writing. Encourage us as long as to master the four main points, junior middle school language is not difficult. The teacher she also likes writing, her words beautiful, sincere, emotional words, often with a warm feelings. The teachers precept, the guidance of the teacher makes the mid-term exam just two points deducted my composition. In my mind, Chinese teacher is hard gardener, is the red candle burning!
Oh, I also want to be a teacher when he grows up. I want to use the patience in the hard work in the field of hope, I want to use the knowledge to ignite every students dream, I will use love to lift their wings.
That a foolish in the years to seed, has deep roots in my heart down!
The wind is silent when still, so lets young heart beat again! In that way, the wind there is song; The water is silent, when still then let us boiling blood pentium! Laugh, the waters; Mountain is always silent, then let the commitments we strive to climb! ， our dream will bloom, our life will be brilliant!
【翻译】
尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：
大家好！今天我演讲的题目是《我有一个梦想》。
我不是诗人，不能用漂亮的诗句讴歌我的生活；我不是学者，不能用深邃的思想思考我的价值；我不是歌手，不能用动听的歌喉歌咏我的未来。
我只是一名学生，但我有我的梦想。
记得我三岁时，第一次迈入幼儿园的。大门，第一次看到了那迷人的大眼睛和那甜美的酒窝，她是我的启蒙老师——刘老师。她总爱在春天带我们去郊外游玩。记得，那时，花儿总是开着的，草儿总是绿油油的，风儿总是和煦的，我们总是快活的。刘老师跟我们玩得很融洽，从来没有斥责过我们，她包容我们的一切。我们都把她当做自己的妈妈，在她面前撒娇，在她怀里睡觉。不知不觉，幼儿时期那无忧无虑的快乐时光就在我们的嬉笑中溜走了。但刘老师那慈母般的形象却在我的心底留下了深深的印迹。
告别幼儿时期，进入了小学。这时，我又一次看到那敏锐的目光和那慈祥的笑容，她是我的小学老师——曹老师。她总爱在我取得好成绩时，给我一缕祥和的目光和一个称许的笑容：那目光告诉我，不要骄傲！那笑容鼓励我，不错，继续加油！小学六年，那目光、那笑容，像和煦的春风、像温暖的阳光吹拂着我、照耀着我，让我茁壮成长。光阴似箭，小学毕业了，我离开了生活六年的母校，但曹老师的音容笑貌让我永生难忘。
如今，我迈入了初中校门。记得第一节课是语文老师上的，她走上三尺讲台，用三寸粉笔为我们写下初中语文学习的四要点：看、读、思、写。鼓励我们只要掌握了这四要点，初中语文并不难。老师她自己也喜欢写作，她的文字清丽，感情真挚，字里行间，常常流淌着一腔温馨的情怀。老师的言传身教，老师的悉心指导，使得期中考试我的作文只扣掉两分。在我的心中，语文老师就是那辛勤的园丁，就是那燃烧的红烛！
啊，我长大了也要当一名老师！我要用耐心在那片希望的田野上努力耕耘，我要用知识点燃每一个学生的梦想，我要用爱心托起他们飞翔的翅膀……
那一颗懵懂岁月中飘来的种子，已在我的心中扎下了深根！
风在静止时是无声的，那么就让我们年轻的心跳动起来吧！那样，风便有歌了；水在静止时是无言的，那么就让我们滚烫的血液奔腾吧！那样，水便欢笑了；山一直是沉默的，那么，就让追梦的我们奋力攀登吧！那样，我们的梦想定会开花，我们的人生定会灿烂！
First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861
Fellow-Citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.” I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.
There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that-- I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.
All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered up” their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States”? I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.
Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution.
It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was “to form a more perfect Union.” But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession? Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive- slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to “preserve, protect, and defend it.” I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
奥巴马复旦演讲稿
Good afternoon. It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you. I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome. I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations. I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good.(Laughter) 你们好。能够有机会在上海跟你们大家交谈，我深感荣幸。我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长，感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还要感谢我们出色的大使洪博培，他代表了我们两国之间的深远联系和相互尊重。我不知道他刚才说什么，但是希望他说得不错。(笑声)
What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.我今天准备先做一个开场白，但我真正希望做的是回答问题，不但回答在座的学生提出的问题，同时也回答从网上提出的一些问题，这些问题由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为提出。很抱歉，我的中文不如你们的英文，但我期待着这个和你们对话的机会。
This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world - the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past. Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.这是我首次访问中国，看到你们壮丽的国家，我感到很兴奋。在上海，我们看到了全球瞩目的发展——高耸的大厦、繁忙的街道、创业的动态。这些都是中国步入 21世纪的迹象，让我感到赞叹。同时，我也期盼看到向我们展现中国悠久历史的古迹。明天和后天我会在北京，希望有机会看到壮观的故宫和奇迹般的长城。的确，这是一个既有丰富的历史，又对未来的希望充满信心的国家。
The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America's ties to this city and to this country - stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.我们两国的关系也是如此。毫无疑问，上海在美中关系史上是一个具有重大意义的城市。正是在这里，37年前发布的《上海公报》(Shanghai Communique)开启了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新篇章。然而，美国与这个城市以及这个国家的纽带可以追溯到更久远的过去，直至美国独立初期。
In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse - the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.1784年，我们的建国之父乔治·华盛顿主持了“中国女皇号”(Empress of China)的下水仪式。这条船前往中国海岸，寻求与清朝通商。华盛顿希望看到这条悬挂美国国旗的船前往世界各地，与像中国这样的国家缔结新的纽带。这是通常的美国人的愿望——希望达到新的地平线，建立新的、互利的伙伴关系。
Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation. 在此后的两个世纪中，历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展，但即使在动荡的岁月中，两国人民也抓住机会发展了深入的、甚至极不平凡的关系。例如，美国人民永远不会忘记，二战期间，美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后，中国公民冒着失去一切的危险护理他们。参加过二战的中国老兵仍然热情欢迎故地重游的美国老兵，他们曾经在那里作战，帮助中国从占领下获得解放。
A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China - “The people are just like us... The country is very similar to America, but still very different.”近40年前，简单的乒乓球比赛带来了两国关系的解冻，使我们两国建立起另一种联系。这种接触令人意外，但却恰恰促成了其成功，因为尽管我们之间存在许多分歧，但是我们共同的人性和共同的好奇心得以从中显现。正如一位美国乒乓球队员在回忆对中国的访问时所说：“那里的人民和我们一样……这个国家和美国有许多相似之处，也有很大区别。”
Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.无须赘言，这个小小的契机带来了《上海公报》的问世，并最终促使美中两国在1979年建立正式外交关系。请看在此后的30年，我们取得了多么长足的进展。
In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion - today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways. America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry. This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.1979年，美中贸易额约为50亿美元，今天，年度贸易额已经超过4000亿美元。贸易在许多方面影响着两国人民的生活，
美国电脑中的许多元件以及我们身穿的服装都是从中国进口的，我们向中国出口你们的工业需要的机器。这种贸易可以在太平洋两岸创造更多的就业机会，让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。随着需求趋于平衡，繁荣的范围将进一步扩大。
In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.1979年，美中之间的政治合作主要立足于双方共同面对的竞争对手苏联。如今我们享有积极的、建设性的、全面的关系，为我们在当今时代的关键性全球问题上建立伙伴关系打开了大门，这些问题包括：经济复苏和清洁能源开发、制止核武器扩散和气候变化的影响、在亚洲及全球各地促进和平与安全。所有这些问题都是我明天与会谈的内容。
And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 “friendship cities” drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball. I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.1979年，我们两国人民的联系十分有限。今天，我们看到当年乒乓球队员的好奇心已经化为许多领域的纽带，中国留学生在美国的人数名列第二，而在美国学生中，学中文的人数增加了50%。我们两国有近200个友好城市，把我们的社区连接在一起。美中科学家合作进行新的研究与发现。而姚明是我们两国人民都热爱篮球的仅仅一个标志而已——令我遗憾的是，此行中我不能观看上海大鲨鱼队的比赛。
It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty an accomplishment unparalleled in human history while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.我们两国之间的关系相伴着一个积极变化的时期，这不是偶然的。中国实现了亿万人民脱贫，这一成就史无前例，同时，中国在全球问题中也在发挥更大的作用。美国在促使冷战顺利结束的同时，经济也取得了增长，人民的生活水平提高。
There is a Chinese proverb: “Consider the past, and you shall know the future. Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined - not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure. We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.中国有句名言：“温故而知新。”当然，过去30年中我们也曾遇到挫折和挑战，我们的关系不是没有分歧和困难。但是，“我们必然是对手”的概念并非是注定不变的——回顾过去不会是这样。由于我们的合作，美中两国都更加繁荣、更加安全。我们已经看到我们本着共同的利益和相互的尊重去努力所能取得的成果。
And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding - on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out - we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.可是，这种接触的成功取决于理解，取决于继续进行开诚布公的对话，相互了解，相互学习。正如前面提到的那位美国乒乓球队员所说——作为人，我们有着许多共同之处，但是我们两国在某些方面存在着差别。
I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy. Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles - that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.我认为每个国家都必须规划自己的前进方向。中国是一个文明古国，文化深远。而美国相对而言是一个年轻的国家，它的文化由来自许多不同国家的移民以及指导我国民主制度的建国纲领所形成。这些纲领中提出了对人类事务的简单明了的瞩望，并包含了一些核心原则——不论男女人人生而平等，都享有某些基本权利；政府应当反映民意，并对人民的愿望作出回应；商贸应该是开放的，信息应该自由流通；司法保障应该来自法治而不是人治。
Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways over many years we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal
rights.当然，我国的历史也并非没有困难的篇章。在很多方面，在很长的时间里，我们要通过斗争去实现这些原则对全体人民的承诺，缔造一个更趋完善的联邦。我们曾打过一场很痛苦的南北战争，将我国的一部分人口从奴役下解放出来。妇女获得投票权、劳工赢得组织权、来自世界各地的移民得到完全的接纳——这些都是经过了一段时间才实现的。非洲裔美国人即使在获得自由后依然生活在被隔离和不平等的条件下，他们经过不懈努力才最终赢得全面、平等的权利。
None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and ”dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal“ could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.所有这些都不曾轻而易举。但是，由于我们对这些核心原则的坚定信念，我们取得了进步，这些原则指引我们冲过了最黑暗的风暴。这就是为什么林肯能在南北战争中挺身而出并宣布，这是一场考验一个孕育于自由之中、“忠实于人人生而平等这一原则”的国家能否永存的斗争。这也就是为什么马丁·路德·金博士能够站立在林肯纪念堂的台阶上，要求我们的国家实践自身信仰的真正含义。这也就是为什么来自从中国到肯尼亚的各国移民能够在我国的土地上安家；为什么所有努力寻求机会的人都能获得机会；为什么像我这种在不到50年前在美国的某些地方连投票都遇到困难的人，现在能够出任这个国家的总统。
And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression and worship of access to information and political participation - we believe are universal rights. They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.这就是为什么美国一直在全世界为这些核心原则而大声疾呼。我们不寻求把任何政治体制强加给任何别的国家，但是我们也不认为我们主张的这些原则是我们国家所独有的。表达自由和宗教信仰自由——获得信息和政治参与的自由——我们认为这些自由都是普世的权利，所有人都应当享有，包括少数民族和宗教少数派，不管是在美国、中国还是在任何其他国家。正是对普世权利的尊重指导着美国向其他国家开放，尊重各种不同的文化，致力于遵守国际法，并对未来抱有信念。
These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city and looking around this room. I do believe that our nations hold something
mportant in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.这些都是你们应当了解的美国的情况。我也知道中国有很多有待我们了解的情况。环顾一下这座伟大的城市——环顾一下这个大厅——我确信我们两个国家有一个很重要的共同点，那就是我们对未来的信念。美国和中国都不想满足于已取得的成就，止步不前。虽然中国是一个古老的国家，但你们显然也对未来满怀信心、雄心和使年轻一代能比这一代人更有作为的决心。
In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world's largest Internet user which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event. This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China's future in you young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.我们不但钦佩中国日益增长的经济，还赞赏你们在科学研究方面极不平凡的努力——从你们建设的基础设施到你们使用的技术，均体现出这种努力。中国现在是世界上最大的互联网使用国——这也是我们今天很高兴能把互联网作为此次活动的一部分的原因。这个国家目前拥有世界上最大的移动电话网络，它正在投资发展既能维持可持续增长，又能应对气候变化的新型能源——我期待着明天在这个至关重要的领域中深化两国的合作关系。然而，最重要的是，我在你们身上看到
了中国的未来 ——年轻一代的聪明才智、献身精神和梦想将为塑造21世纪发挥巨大作用。
I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek all of these things are shared. And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another. And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.我已说过多次，我相信我们现在的世界是紧密相连的。我们所做的工作，我们所建设的繁荣，我们所保护的环境，以及我们所寻求的安全——所有这一切都是共有的。鉴于这种相互联系，在21世纪，权力不应再成为一场零和游戏；一国的成功发展不应以他国为代价。这也就是为什么美国坚决表示我们不谋求遏制中国的崛起。恰恰相反，我们欢迎中国成为国际社会中一个强大、繁荣、成功的成员——一个从你们这样的每个中国人的权利、实力和创造力中获得力量的中国。
To return to the proverb consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lessonthat human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.回到前面提到的那句古语——回顾过去。我们知道，大国之间选择合作而非对抗会带来更大的惠益。这是人类不断汲取的一个教训，我们两国的关系史中也不乏其例。我深信，合作必须不止于政府间的合作。合作必须植根于我们的人民——植根于我们共同进行的研究，我们的商贸活动，我们所学到的知识，乃至我们的体育运动。这些桥梁必须由你们这样的年轻人和美国的年轻人共同构筑。
That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century. And I'm absolutelyconfident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.因此，我高兴地宣布，美国准备将在中国留学的美国学生人数大幅度增加到10万人。这种交流是对在我们两国人民之间建立联系的明确承诺，毫无疑问，你们将帮助决定21世纪的命运。我完全相信，对美·来说，再好的使者莫过于我们的年轻人。因为他们和你们一样，才华横溢，充满活力，对有待书写的历史篇章充满乐观。
So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.那么，就让这个举措成为我们稳步寻求合作的下一个步骤，这种合作有利于我们两国乃至整个世界。如果能从今天的对话中得到一点启示的话，我希望那就是致力于今后继续进行这种对话。
So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause)非常感谢诸位。现在我希望回答你们大家提出的一些问题。非常感谢。(掌声)
Everyone has a dream, it is what everyone desire. No dream of life will be empty, a life without dreams is to be such as aircraft lost beacon, ships lost lighthouse, will eventually be eliminated by the society. But the dream always change with forward thinking. Ifone is shallow, sockets is a wise man.
During my childhood, I have a dream, I hope I have the money. Adults asked: "young man, with money you are going to do?" "Im going to buy bubble gum" "if you have a lot of money?" "Im going to buy a lot of bubble gum" "if you have money to burn?" "Ill do buy bubblegum factory." Innocent childhood we, indeed, have a kind heart, happiness and happiness is a the same piece of music.
Slowly into the primary school, middle school... Will feel the pressure. Now I have a dream. I hope I dont have a lot of homework to do every day. Play a little deprived, and 40% of the day we imprisoned in the classroom, a lot of time in learning. But in the face of learning, is a kind of fuzzy knowledge. As the saying goes, "a rare confused," the understanding of things, from feudalism to capitalism, the greater the more feel that their views are right.
Top junior high school of time, I have a dream, I hope I can be a top student; Praised returned home to the family; In the school to receive the affirmation of the teachers; Between the classmate can have a standout performance. But, gradually, I found that to achieve this dream does not rely on to play play childish. Later, I learned to struggle.
After a busy day and night lessons come home from school, he was sleepy and tired, no taste to eat food taken late at night. This life is very monotonous, maybe sometimes miss many of my primary school classmates, sometimes with a class or a pair of hazy sleep. Hate rigid school clothes, I never wear it everywhere. On Saturday, Sundays time is very short, children really want to temper, slowly understand lifes too hard, hard and dream ok, I will try to see everyone in to life and got up early to catch late, grasp myself no longer loose.
Today, I have a dream, I hope I can get in a favorite high school. For my dream, every day ` searching for enrich my coach book and practice, strive for a bright future.
Dream like a seed, in the "heart" of the soil, although it is small, can take root bloom, if do not have a dream, like life in the desolate desert, courty, no vitality. Ask, we present the walking dead day teenagers who wants to come in? I dont believe me, you all cant.
Have a dream, also have pursuit, had the goal, have a dream, have the power. Dream, is a noble Bridges, regardless of whether the final can reach the other shore, have dreams, and to pursue it, this is already a success, a kind of glory. In the process of pursue this dream, we are growing.
It will urge people forward, perhaps in the way of dream, will encounter numerous setbacks and difficulties, but it doesnt matter, fell himself up, for his dream to go forward, after all, the future not only luck, also created by themselves.
每个人都有梦想，它是人人所向往的。没有梦想的人的人生将是空虚的，人生没有梦想就如飞机失去航标，船只失去灯塔，终将被社会所淘汰。但梦想总是随着思想的前进而改变的。碌碌无为是庸人所为，奋发图强是智者之举。
童年时，我有一个梦想，我希望我有钱。大人问：“小伙子，有了钱你要去干什么呢？”“我要去买泡泡糖”“如果你有很多钱呢？”“我会去买很多泡泡糖”“如果你有用不完的钱呢？”“我会把做泡泡糖的工厂买下来。”的确小时侯的我们，天真无邪，有着一颗善良的童心，幸福与快乐是一曲不变的乐章。
慢慢步入小学，中学……就越会觉得压力的存在。现在我有一个梦想。我希望每天都不要有很多的家庭作业要做。玩耍的时间一点点被剥夺，而我们一天中40%被禁锢在教室，很多时间在学习。但是面对学习，还是一种模糊的认识。俗话说“难得糊涂”，对事物的理解，也由封建主义发展到资本主义，越大就越觉得自己的观点是对的。
上初中的时候，我有一个梦想，我希望自己能成为一名尖子生；回到家能受到家人的表扬；在学校能受到老师们的肯定；在同学之间能有鹤立鸡群的表现。但是，渐渐的，我发现实现这个梦想并不能靠要耍耍孩子气。之后，我学会了奋斗。
忙忙碌碌一天加上晚自习后放学回家，真是又困又累，吃夜宵都没有味道。这样的日子很单调，也许有时候想念许多小学同学，有时候赶着上课还是一双朦胧的睡眼。讨厌死板的校服装，从不穿着它到处走。星期六、星期天的时间真很短，孩子脾气真想犯，慢慢懂了做人的辛苦和梦想真是太难，还好我会努力，看每一个人都在为了生活而起早赶晚，把握自己不再松散。
今天，我有一个梦想，我希望自己能考上一所中意的高中。我为着梦想，`每一天都苦苦寻找着充实自己的辅导书与练习卷，为着光明的未来而努力。
梦想像一粒种子，种在“心”的土壤里，尽管它很小，却可以生根开花，假如没有梦想，就像生活在荒凉的戈壁，冷冷清清，没有活力。试问，我们在座的热血青年谁又愿意过那种行尸走肉的日子呢？我相信我不会，你们大家都不会。
有了梦想，也就有了追求，有了奋斗的目标，有了梦想，就有了动力。梦想，是一架高贵桥梁，不管最终是否能到达彼岸，拥有梦想，并去追求它，这已经是一种成功，一种荣耀。在追求梦想这个过程中，我们是在成长。
它会催人前进，也许在实现梦想的道路中，会遇到无数的挫折和困难，但没关系，跌倒了自己爬起来，为自己的梦想而前进，毕竟前途不仅靠运气，也靠自己创造出来。